Kevin M. Bair
Social History of Medicine
6 December 2016
The purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility that the British media, by publishing stories about fictitious male heroes to boys and young men before and during World War One, helped induce shell shock when the realities of war conflicted with their fictitious boyhood heroes. This paper will also look at the British image of hero and manliness as depicted in recruitment posters, music halls, and public shaming of manliness via the white feather campaign, and fear of the Poor Laws, as psychological tools to alter and sometimes destroy young men’s image of self; thus providing emotional trauma, which may have helped induce shell shock neurosis.
In war, there is always a disconnect between what soldiers experienced in battle and what the public wants to know and see as a result of those battles.
This is an excerpt from a poem by Wilfred Owen a British poet and wounded WWI solider. His poem Disabled, written in 1917, represents a conflicted solider and his current life as a “queer disease” and remembering how he was before the war.
“About this time Town used to swing so gay
When glow-lamps budded in the light-blue trees,
And girls glanced lovelier as the air grew dim,—
In the old times, before he threw away his knees.
Now he will never feel again how slim
Girls’ waists are, or how warm their subtle hands,
All of them touch him like some queer disease” (Owen 349)
Owen was killed in action one week before the Armistice on November 1918 at the age of 25.
Owen’s poem exposes the inner grief of a disabled solder who now must consider himself having a “queer disease”, yet men who enlisted in the war never expected to receive life altering wounds, wounds of reality. In Britain, a World War One solider spent his childhood learning about heroes and their adventurous exploits. They read about heroes in adventure books such as Robert Louis Stevenson’s, Treasure Island (1881), Rider Haggards, King Solomon’s Mines (1885), or Joseph Conrad’s, Lord Jim (1900), Kipling’s, The Man Who Would Be King (1888), and A.E. Masons’, The Four Feathers.
According to Kelly Boyd, in her book Manliness and the Boys’ Story Paper in Britain, “Masculinity is not monolithic, but evanescent, mutating according to local, class, situation, age and context” (Boyd 3). With this definition, masculinity can be shaped, it can be molded to represent a culture’s idealistic vision of manliness, and in times of war, this molded entrenched vision can transform ordinary young men. It can cause them to believe they, themselves, are the war hero they youthfully read about and imagined.
According to Joseph A. Kestner, in his book, Masculinities in the British Adventure Fiction, (1880-1955), George Salmon, in his1886 essay ‘What Boys Read’ in the Fortnightly Review, (a prominent and influential magazine in nineteenth-century England), expressed his belief, “that home country itself could no longer supply fields of action. ‘Englishmen sought to gratify mentally a passion for romance, which it was yearly becoming more difficult to gratify physically’. Hence the importance of adventure fiction in proving an imagined masculine ideal” (Kestner 6). Kestner continues “Salmon also contended that adventure genre was significant: ‘It is impossible to overrate the importance of the influence of such a supply of national character and culture… that fiction for young and old should endeavor to give force and colour to facts’” (Kestner 6).
It is this ‘colour to facts’ that interests the author and the scope of this paper.
Starting in the mid 1800’s, British boys could buy what was referred to as the Penny Dreadfuls; an inexpensive popular serial magazine produced in the United Kingdom during the nineteenth century filled with dramatic stories of adventure, science fiction, detective thrillers, and school stories; the stories were published in weekly parts, each costing one penny (Boyd). Penny Dreadfuls, such as Brett’s Boys of England (1866-99) and Harmsworth’s Magnet (1900-40) were tailored towards young boys whose education had ended and were already at work; these were boys from working and lower class families (Boyd). There were also papers for the boys of upper-middle class families, some of these papers were Boy’s Own Paper (1879-1967), Chums (1892-1934), The Captain (1899-1924, and Union Jack (1893-1922). These papers were considered a more socially elite publication with many stories tailored towards boys in school (Boyd). In either readership group, these papers provided boys and young men with dreams of excitement and adventure.
Boyd states every magazine issue began with a fanciful illustration of the featured story in order to carry the reader away to a different world, and the heroes within were continually traveling around the globe finding new and exciting adventures (Boyd).
Printed publication for young boys was well underway by 1879, with great circulation numbers. The Boy’s Own Paper, Figure 1, had a circulation of 200,000 in 1879 growing to 650,000 by the 1890’s (Boyd). This paper focused on boys and young men, published from 1879 to 1967. It presented tales of adventure, heroic deeds, and protecting the women, or saving the girl, all in the name of country. The adventure stories of Boys’ Own Paper and its accompanied story illustrations gave boys an impression of manliness, something to strive for. As already discussed, Salmon noted: ‘It is impossible to overrate the importance of the influence of such a supply of national character and culture…” (Kestner 6).
Figure 1. This cover is from Boy’s Own Paper NO. 1087. V01. XXII. SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1899 and is depicting an adventure story of British Hero Clive of India, an actual hero Major-General Robert Clive, by David Ker. The caption in the bottom of the photo reads, “Clive Coming to the Rescue of the English (hathitrust.org)”
Figure 1 Figure 2
Figure 2 represents page 284 of Boy’s Own Paper NO. 1099. VOL XXII, Saturday, February 3, 1900. This figure shows the national song for the British Flag The Union Jack. (hathitrust.org)
According to Jeffrey Richards, in his book Visions Of Yesterday, “The field of boys’ writing is inevitably dominated by G. A Henty [1832 -1902] …His stories were required reading for generations of children…Twenty-five of his novels are concerned with the Empire and they are all pretty well the same. Poor but honest orphan boys go out to the colonies, suffer various trials and tribulations, win name and fame through shot and shell by sheer pluck, marry the colonel’s daughter, win the V.C. and help some great British hero, Clive, Kitchener or Roberts, to maintain British rule in far-off lands. His heroes are typical public schoolboys (Richards 41).”
The intent of this paper is to explore what happens when boys grow up and go to war. Will their youthful views of manly heroes exploring and fighting around the globe cause psychological-shell shock type of issues later on when the realities of war, death, dismemberment, and disillusions become personal?
In the book, Shell Shock, Memory, and the Novel in the Wake of World War I, Trevor Dodman suggests, “For in the World War I era, “shell shock” was many things all at the same time: a contagious disease, a genetic disorder, an inevitable by-product of industrial warfare, a collection of physical ailments, a purely psychological matter, an index of moral weakness, a lack of courage, a wound that would heal, a scar that would remain, an excuse, an accusation, a mystery” (Trevor 6).
In his war diary Shell Shock in France 1914-1918, Charles S. Myers, sometimes consulting psychologist to the British armies in France, suggested a definition and a sign of symptoms for shell shock.
“After a man has been buried, lifted or otherwise subjected to the physical effects of bursting shell or other similar explosive, he may suffer solely from concussion (which should be termed ‘shell concussion’), or solely from mental ‘shock’ (so-called ‘shell shock’) or from both of these conditions in succession.
If ‘shell shock’ occurs it will give rise to one or more the following groups of mental symptoms, namely, (i) hysteria, (ii) neurasthenia, (iii) graver temporary ‘mental’ disorder.
But ‘shell shock’ and these three groups of accompanying symptoms … do not depend for their causation on the physical force (or the chemical effects) of the bursting shell. They may also occur when the soldier is remote from the exploding missile, provided that he be subject to an emotional disturbance or mental strain sufficiently severe” (Myers 25-26).
Dr. Myers continues, “A shell, then, may play no part whatever in the causation of ‘shell shock’; excessive emotions, e.g. sudden horror or fear—indeed any ‘psychical trauma’ or ‘inadjustable experience’ –is sufficient” (Myers 26).
In order to further evaluate years of media propaganda of hero images, the complexity of self-image, and shell shock, we must discuss the three basic images of self, referring to Sigmund Freud.
According to Psychology (BSc) Tutor at The University of Manchester, Saul McLeod,
“Freud (1923) saw the psyche structured into three parts (i.e. tripartite), the id, ego and superego, all developing at different stages in our lives. It consists of all the inherited (i.e. biological) components of personality present at birth, including the sex (life) instinct. These are systems, not parts of the brain, or in any way physical.
The id is the primitive and instinctive component of personality…. The id engages in primary process thinking, which is primitive, illogical, irrational, and fantasy oriented. This form of process thinking has no comprehension of objective reality, and is selfish and wishful in nature.
The ego is ‘that part of the id which has been modified by the direct influence of the external world.’ (Freud , 1961, p. 25) The ego develops in order to mediate between the unrealistic id and the external real world. It is the decision making component of personality. Ideally the ego works by reason, whereas the id is chaotic and totally unreasonable.
The ego operates according to the reality principle, working out realistic ways of satisfying the id’s demands, often compromising or postponing satisfaction to avoid negative consequences of society. The ego considers social realities and norms, etiquette and rules in deciding how to behave. Freud made the analogy of the id being a horse while the ego is the rider. The ego is ‘like a man on horseback, who has to hold in check the superior strength of the horse.’ (Freud, 1923, p.15)
The superego consists of two systems: The conscience and the ideal self. The conscience can punish the ego through causing feelings of guilt.
The ideal self (or ego-ideal) is an imaginary picture of how you ought to be, and represents career aspirations, how to treat other people, and how to behave as a member of society” (McLeod).
For this paper, the author explores the concept of superego and the ego-ideal, and how it can cause intellectual conflict when the reality of war collides with boyhood and young men’s cultural images of masculinity and heroes. To understand how this image of masculinity and heroes can effect entire generations of British men, which in turn lead up to the hero image ingrained within the British soldiers of World War One.
Before the Crimean War (1853-56), British subjects had a romantic image of what a solider should be. Figure 3 displays two 1839 English gentlemen military offices in culturally acceptable and highly fashionable uniforms of the day. It is a glimpse into the supposed life of dashing young men from wealthy families.
According to Michael Paris, in his book Warrior Nation: Images of War In British Popular Culture, 1850-2000, “Uniforms were designed to draw attention to the wearer’s masculinity: headgear to exaggerate height, short tight jackets with epaulettes to emphasize the width of the shoulders and tight-fitting trousers to demonstrate slim hips and strong legs” (Paris 18). Paris goes on to say “Aristocratic military function was underlined by the wearing of uniform for both private and public occasions, and even extended into the realm of civil dress,
where foppish silks gave way to less flamboyant clothes of quasi-military cut, while their heroism became the subject of battle paintings, prints, ballads and epic poetry” (Paris 18)
This image of the gentleman solider was reinforced, according to Paris, in the public school system. “The heroic virtues of war and the soldier were continually reinforced and even more widely disseminated with the rapid growth of the public school system later in the century…public schools and universities where the curriculum was built around the classics – a ‘constant diet of stories of war, empire, bravery and sacrifice . . . And exuding a lush appreciation of masculine heroism’” (Paris 18).
The image of the solider hero was propelled even further during the Crimean War. Figure 4 and 5 portray men facing unsurmountable odds in the War, and still they charged forward despite certain death. Figure 4, a painting by William Simpson (1855), illustrating The Charge of the Light Brigade at Balaklava on 25 October 1854, and the Light Brigade’s charge into the “Valley of Death” from the Russian perspective. This battle was exemplified by Alfred Lord Tennyson’s narrative poem “The Charge of the Light Brigade” (1854). His poem was published six weeks after the event, its emphasis the heroic valor of the cavalry bravely carrying out their orders, regardless of the slaughter that was to come.
Here is an excerpt from Alfred, Lord Tennyson, The Charge of the Light Brigade, 1854.
Half a league, half a league,
Half a league onward,
All in the valley of Death
Rode the six hundred.
“Forward, the Light Brigade!
“Charge for the guns!” he said:
Into the valley of Death
Rode the six hundred.
Cannon to right of them,
Cannon to left of them,
Cannon in front of them
Volley’d and thunder’d;
Storm’d at with shot and shell,
Boldly they rode and well,
Into the jaws of Death,
Into the mouth of Hell
Rode the six hundred.
When can their glory fade?
O the wild charge they made!
All the world wondered.
Honour the charge they made,
Honour the Light Brigade,
Noble six hundred.
According to an October 2nd, 2010, article by Orlando Figes, “The Crimean War brought about a sea change in Britain’s attitude towards its fighting men. Previously the military hero was a gentleman, like the Duke of York, the son of George III and commander of his forces against Napoleon” (Figes). Figes went on to say, the heroes of the Crimea were not all of officer stock, many were common soldiers. Queen Victoria inaugurated the Victoria Cross (VC) in 1857 and bestowed it upon heroic warriors irrespective of class or rank. The Queen presented the VC for the first time, and among the honored recipients to receive Britain’s highest award for bravery were 16 privates from the army, five gunners, two seamen and three boatswains” (Figes).
Figure 5 portrays a painting by Robert Gibb, The Thin Red Line, an 1881 oil-on-canvas painting depicting the 93rd (Sutherland Highlanders) Regiment of Foot at the Battle of Balaclava on 25 October 1854, during the Crimean War (military-history.org). This paining is another heroic image showing self-sacrifice in the face of danger. It is reported that the leader of the Sutherland Highlanders, General Sir Colin Campbell, said “There is no retreat from here, men!
You must die where you stand.” And it is said his men replied “Aye, Sir Colin. If needs be, we’ll do that” (military-history.org).
The author of this paper believes heroic war images, patriotic and emotional poems, war stories, bravery and nationalistic music can give boys and young men an internal image of heroes and their achieved glories. It is this mental heroic imagery the author believes provides information that feeds the superego. This image information provided boys and young men a vision of greatness, a chance of upward mobility, to move beyond their station in life – if only they could do some heroic deed.
By the start of World War One (July 1914-November 1918), many British boys and young man were already entrenched with the concept of hero and its associated manliness. Recruitment posters for the British army played on this ingrained image of manliness and hero Archetypes. Figures 6, 7, and 8 show varied emotional recruitment images used to inspire a sense of duty in young men, that they were needed to defend the homeland. These posters are telling young men that heroes are wanted – are needed to protect the homeland’s women; even the Roman clad Britannic is a woman and she is pointing the way they must go.
Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure 8
Not all young men could go to war; some men were too young to sign up, some were unfit for duty, and there were men with specialized skills that were needed to help in manufacturing war materials. These men were not allowed to enlist, and there were a number of men who were conscientious objectors, and some were afraid to go.
To help keep Britain’s all-volunteer army’s enlistment numbers up, an enterprising British Officer named, Admiral Charles Penrose Fitzgerald started a campaign to shame men into enlisting, to remind them of their duty to country. The campaign was called the White Feather campaign. Fitzgerald used the British concept of hero, manliness, duty, and men’s desire to gain women’s affection. As the author pointed out earlier, young boy’s literature outlined the superego image for boys, and that image indicated how they should act, and who they should be. In the boys’ literature the hero’s always won the battle, saved the distressed girl from harm, and won her affection.
The White Feather campaign used young women to give a single white feather to any men who they felt was not doing his heroic duty to support the war. In Figure 9, we see such an act being administered. It is on the cover of the December 26th, 1914 cover of the boy’s magazine the UNION JACK.
The caption reads “I don’t care, mother… I think it’s a shame that any healthy young man should be lounging here while his countrymen are training themselves, ready to meet the enemy” (Simmer’s). At this point she drives a white feather into his lapel’s button hole.
The White Feather campaign exploded across Britain, and soon it was in the British Dance Halls; where young women used their theatrical ‘positions’ to entice men to enlist.
During the Great War Centenary (1914-2014), the historian John Stempel writes in an online article dated Mar 30, 2014 about Music Halls. Stempel explains how Music Halls and their performers worked on men to enlist. He discussed one particular performer Vesta Tilley, “During Tilley’s performances young chaps were invited on stage and asked to join up[enlist]. Anyone who refused was given a white feather, symbol of cowardice, by a prompted child” (Stempel).
Not only did the actions on stage challenge young men’s masculinity, lyrics in songs also played a part in recruitment. According to Stempel, Tilly sang and pressured young men to enlist, “Your King and Country Want You, Oh, we don’t want to lose you but we think you ought to go” emphasis added (Stempel).
There were further attempts by female singers to lure men to enlist. Singers such as Marie Lloyd, singing verses such as “I Do Like Yer, Cockie, Now You’ve Got Your Khaki On” (Stempel). Again we see attempts to challenge young men’s idea of self; to win the girl, and all she offers. But to gain what is currently not theirs, they must wear a solider uniform, they must support their country’s war efforts fully; in order to get the girl. If they did not enlist, they would never save the country, and never get the girl, and they knew they would be publicly shamed by a women or girl who would offer them a white feather in front of the music hall crowd.
According to Peter Hart in his article “The White Feather Campaign: A Struggle with Masculinity During World War I, “A white feather left a mark on any man who received one, a shame that they couldn’t forget, regardless of how inaccurate such a judgment might be” (Hart). Hart continues, “Men they have been brutally attacked by the women whom they sought to protect. The weakness and vulnerabilities that English masculinity had were exposed and exploited by women for the recruitment effort” (Hart). Hart believes there were thousands of women who gave out white feathers to enormous numbers of men.
The author believes this constant bombardment of heroism from boyhood onward must have created emotional conflict; when the realities of war contradicts with the learned image of the war hero.
In her article The Women’s Body as a Compensation for the Disabled First World War Soldier, Kate Macdonald describes the use of novels to reinforce young wounded men’s masculinity. “Fiction about wounded soldiers published during the First World War… reassure the reader by reintegrating the wounded soldier back into society, by affirming his masculinity as the hero of a romance” (Macdonald 53-54). Macdonald further explains that the public was provided with artistic images of socially acceptable wounded soldiers. She quotes Michael Paris, “wounded soldiers were sometimes shown but always with socially acceptable wounds—a bloody bandage around their forehead or an arm in a sling. There was little indication of their horrendous wounds inflicted by high explosive or poison gas” (Macdonald 55). Figure 10 is of “socially acceptable” wounds.
Reality for the soldier in battle, and those who become disabled due to battle, know there is a sharp contrast between their view of the injured soldier and the public’s view of a “socially acceptable” wounded soldier.
Peter Leese in his book, Shell Shock Traumatic Neurosis and the British Soldier of the First World War, states “The return home from the war and the transition to civilian life strained the nerves of all returnees” (Leese 133). Robert Ritchie in his book ONE HISTORY OF “SHELLSHOCK” writes, “’Shellshock’ is like the proverbial elephant in a room full of blind people. Every source of information describes a different elephant, a different ‘shellshock.”
Leese continues, “To traditional medical historians, ‘shellshock’ is a mental derangement that has been conquered by science. To readers of popular fiction, it is an ailment which commands instant sympathy, and from which heroes quickly recover.” (Ritchie 30).”
There is little doubt from the sources presented that an inner conflict can occur within young soldiers when their image of self – Freud’s superego, and reality collides. There is additional fear of failure – even more pressure on a young man’s vision of self, that is if they become disabled in any way they may be sent to the poorhouse, workhouse, or the asylum.
In Forgotten Lunatics, Peter Barham discusses Britain’s New Poor Law (1834-1948), and how the disabled (including shell shocked) soldiers were being sent to asylums. “There can be no denying that ex-serviceman and their families were frequently humiliated by their association with the Poor Law system… stripped of personal identity and social status” (Barham 199).
Fiona Reid points out in her article, His nerves gave way’: Shell shock, history and the memory of the First World War in Britain, “approximately 80,000 British soldiers were treated for war neuroses during the First World War and thousands remained in lunatic asylums throughout the interwar years, some for the rest of their lives” (Reid 92). Reid continues, “all medical treatment in the army was organized by rank and all medical treatment in Britain was structured by class. This was particularly clear in the field of mental health where the upper classes had access to private doctors and care homes whereas the working class was largely reliant upon the local ‘pauper asylum.’ This spectre of the local asylum loomed large over shell-shock policy. Traditionally, patients had to be certified as insane before they could be admitted to an asylum and this certification was a source of great shame both for the individuals concerned and for their families” (Reid 93).
In Figure 12 we see a drawing of a Shell-Shocked victim. This drawing is from Reid’s article, and the photos description is as follows, “Nevinson, In the Observation Ward (1917) taken from C.R.W. Nevinson and P.G. Konody, Modern War Paintings (Nabu Press, 2010). In this image, the shell-shocked soldier looks both frightened and frightening” (Reid 94).
Not only does this drawing seem biased and drawn to express the ex-soldier as deranged and dangerous; perhaps the artist professional angle was to sell the art, more than offer a true rendition of the patient’s appearance.
Barham, in his book reveals, “it quite often happened that the soldier who was removed to an asylum had been the family bread winner” (174). He describes a statement of a Mrs. Bartram who is being asked by the Lord Derby War Hospital whether she would be willing to receive her husband at home if he was disturbed or disabled. Mrs. Bartram, “I could not have him home unless he was well and could go to work… He was earning good money before the Army” (Barham 169).
The author of this paper believes Erich Maria Remarque in his book, ALL QUIET ON THE WESTERN FRONT best surmises the collapse of the soldier’s – superego imagined picture, and that of reality.
“Now if we go back[home] we will be weary, broken, burnt out, rootless, and without hope. We will not be able to find our way anymore.
And men will not understand us … the generation that has grown up after us will be strange to us and push us aside. We will be superfluous even to ourselves, we will grow older, a few will adapt themselves, some others will merely submit, and most will be bewildered; the years will pass by and in the end we shall fall into ruin” (Remarque 294).
In conclusion, the goal of this paper is to represent another possible cause of Shell Shock. To provide information on Britain’s image barrage of heroes and manliness projected at boys and young men before and through the Great War. That through British publications such as boy’s magazines, adventure novels, patriotic paintings, and masculine recruitment posters, a false impression was created of who they really were. This mental conditioning of manliness and heroes, according to Sigmund Freud, creates a psychological state of mind that he coined Superego. “The ideal self (or ego-ideal) is an imaginary picture of how you ought to be, and represents career aspirations…” (McLeod).
Freud explains in his essay Psycho-Analysis and the War Neuroses
“The war neuroses, in so far as they differ from the ordinary neuroses of peace time through particular peculiarities; are to be regarded as traumatic neuroses, whose existence has been rendered possible or promoted through an ego-conflict… The war neurosis, like the peace neurosis, is the expressioa of a splitting of the personality… The other feature of the war neurosis is that it is a traumatic neurosis” (Ferenczi Kindle 54-61).
The author believes it is a plausible hypothesis that there is a viable connection between mental instability of war soldier’s realities and the collapse of the superego.
The question posed at the beginning of this essay was “Did the British media help induce shell shock by publishing fiction stories about fictitious heroes to boys and young men. Did the realities of war conflict with their boyhood fictitious heroes who always won the battle, saved their country and won their just rewards from the woman? Based on the evidence presented, the author would say yes, but more research needs to be done on World War I era boys and the power of the media to persuade them to be their imagined hero winning against all odds.
Barham, Peter. Forgotten Lunatics of the Great War. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004., 2004. Print.
Boyd, Kelly. Manliness and the boys’ story paper in Britain: a cultural history, 1855-1940. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Print.
Ferenczi, Sandor , Karl abraham , Ernst Simmel, Ernest Jones, Sigmond Freud. Psycho-Analysis and the War Neuroses. Kindle Edition. , 1921. Kindle digital book.
Figes, Orlando. “http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/8037668/The-Crimean-War-The-war-that-made-Britain-great.html.” 02 10 2010. http://www.telegraph.co.uk. Digital Print. 05 11 2016.
Hart, P. J. “http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/151/the-white-feather-campaign-a-struggle-with-masculinity-during-world-war-i.” 2010. http://www.inquiriesjournal.com. Digital Print. 03 11 2016.
hathitrust.org. “https://babel.hathitrust.org/shcgi/pt?id=uc1.c2723991;view=1up;seq=101.” n.d. https://babel.hathitrust.org . Digital Print. 18 11 2016.
Kendall, Tim. Poetry of the First World War : an Anthology. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Print .
Kestner, Joseph A. Masculinities in British Adventure Fiction, 1880-1915. Burlington: Ashgate, 2010. Print.
Leese, Peter. Shell Shock: Traumatic Neurosis and the British Soldiers of the First World War. New York: Palgrave, 2002. Print.
Macdonald, Kate. “The Woman’s Body as Compensation for the Disabled First World War Soldier.” Journal Of Literary & Cultural Disability Studies 10.1 2016: 53-70. Digital Print.
McLeod, Saul. http://www.simplypsychology.org/psyche.html. 2016. Digital Print. 02 12 2016.
military-history.org. “http://www.military-history.org/regiment-profiles/the-93rd-highlanders-and-the-thin-red-line.htm.” 11 01 2011. http://www.military-history.org. digital print. 05 11 2016.
Myers, Charles S. Shell Shock In France, 1914-18. Cambridge : The University Press, 1940. Print.
Owen, Wilfred, C. Day Lewis, and Edmund Blunden. The Collected Poems of Wilfred Owen. A & L eBooks. Kindle Edition, 2011. Digital Print Kindle .
Paris, Michael. Warrior Nation: Images of War In British Popular Culture, 1850-2000. London: Reaktion, 2000. Digital Print.
Reid, Fiona. “http://www.sciencedirect.com.proxy1.library.jhu.edu/science/article/pii/S0160932714000210.” June 2014. http://www.sciencedirect.com. Digital Print. 18 11 2016.
Remarque, Erich Maria. All Quiet On the Western Front. Boston: Little, Brown, 1959. Print.
Richards, Jeffrey. Visions of Yesterday. Florence: Taylor and Francis,, 2013. Ebook Library. Web. 04 Dec. 2016.
Ritchie, Robert David. One History of “shellshock”. San Diego: University of California, 1986. Print.
Simmer’s, Geroge. “https://greatwarfiction.wordpress.com/white-feathers-stories-of-courage-cowardice-and-recruitment-at-the-start-of-the-great-war./.” 2007. https://greatwarfiction.wordpress.com. Digital Print. 18 11 2016.
Stempel, John Lewis. “http://www.express.co.uk/news/world-war-1/467674/Great-War-Centenary-1914-2014-Part-13-Music-halls.” 14 04 2014. http://www.express.co.uk. Digital Print. 17 11 2016.
Trevor, Dodman. Shell Shock, Memory, and the Novel in the Wake of World War I. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Print.
Figure 1: hathitrust.org. “https://babel.hathitrust.org/shcgi/pt?id=uc1.c2723991;view=1up;seq=101.” n.d. https://babel.hathitrust.org . Digital Print. 18 11 2016.
Figure 2: hathitrust.org. “https://babel.hathitrust.org/shcgi/pt?id=uc1.c2723991;view=1up;seq=101.” n.d. https://babel.hathitrust.org. Digital Print. 18 11 2016.
Figure 3: Paris, Michael. Warrior Nation: Images of War In British Popular Culture, 1850-2000. London: Reaktion, 2000. Digital Print.
Figure 5: military-history.org. “http://www.military-history.org/regiment-profiles/the-93rd-highlanders-and-the-thin-red-line.htm.” 11 01 2011. http://www.military-history.org. digital print. 05 11 2016.
Figure 7: Women of Britain Say – “Go”. Available through: Adam Matthew, Marlborough, The First World War, http://www.firstworldwar.amdigital.co.uk.proxy1.library.jhu.edu/Documents/Details/WW1_OPIE_0080 [Accessed November 05, 2016].
Figure 8 Go! It You Duty Lad. https://www.google.com/search?q=Popular+fiction+in+England,+1914-1918&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi1-e_2ko3QAhXI5SYKHYNpC_AQ_AUICSgC&biw=1265&bih=543#tbm=isch&q=woman+War+propaganda++England%2C+1914-1918&imgrc=HipD87t23qg5BM%3A
Figure 10: In the Name OF Mercy Give! http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2001699930/
Figure 11: His Nerves Gave Way. Reid, Fiona. “http://www.sciencedirect.com.proxy1.library.jhu.edu/science/article/pii/S0160932714000210.” 94, June 2014. http://www.sciencedirect.com. Digital Print. 18 11 2016.